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非正规就业对国民经济、城镇就业的增长和城镇化进程有着巨大的推动和稳定作用,而城市规划实践与研究却并未给予非正规就业充分的关注,非正规就业与正规就业的模糊使得针对城市低收入人群的规划政策产生了偏离与盲区。本文采用抽样实证调查的方法探讨非正规就业者的职住空间特征以及规划政策对其通勤状况产生的影响。首先阐述了职住空间失配理论在非正规就业这一视角上的缺失;其次对非正规就业者的居住空间与就业空间分布进行理论回顾;最后,本文以低收入人群集中的两处保障房社区为例,利用ArcGIS平台对其中的非正规就业者搬迁前后的职住关系与通勤特征进行描述和分析。本文认为,非正规就业者相较于正规就业者通勤距离和时间均较短,高度依赖公共交通,表现出接近就业中心的职住偏好,而搬迁后非正规就业者通勤状况恶化,呈现出"空间失配"特征。实证结果表明在制定规划政策时要充分考虑到非正规就业者的职住关系特征与行为偏好,并运用相关的规划工具展开积极干预。上述结论有助于认知非正规就业者在职住偏好及决策上的特殊性和反思现有影响非正规就业者规划政策的局限与不足。
Abstract：Informal employment plays a great role in promoting and stabilizing the national economy, urban employment growth and urbanization. However, urban planning practice and research have not given sufficient attention to informal employment. The blurring of informal employment and formal employment has led to planning policies for low-income urban populations that created deviations and blind spots. This paper investigates the occupational and residential space characteristics of informal employees and the impact of planning policies on their commuting status by means of sample empirical survey. It firstly expounds the lack of space mismatch hypothesis in the perspective of informal employment. Secondly, it makes a theoretical review of the living space and employment space distribution of informal workers. Finally, this paper takes two communities of low-income people in concentrated communities as examples, using the Arc GIS platform to describe and analyze the occupational and residential relationships and commuting characteristics before and after the relocation of informal workers. This paper argues that informal workers have shorter commuting distances and time than formal workers, who are highly dependent on public transportation, and show close to the employment center's job-housing preference. After the relocation, the commuting situation of informal workers deteriorated,showing the characteristics of "spatial mismatch". The empirical results show that in the formulation of planning policies, the characteristics of occupational residence and behavioral preferences of informal workers should be fully considered, and relevant planning tools should be used to actively intervene. These conclusions are helpful to recognize the particularity of informal employees' preferences and decision-making and to reflect on the limitations and shortcomings of existing planning policies affecting informal employees.
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(1)非正规就业包括各种无法人资格或无注册小企业的个体经营,以及受雇于这些企业以及正规部门企业的但不受法律或者社会福利保护的就业行为。因此,非正规就业包括非正规部门的就业和正规部门的非正规就业。
(1)非正规就业指一般未与用人单位签订劳动合同(包括自雇者),劳动关系比较脆弱,缺乏必要的社会保障的就业形式。在我国,包括自雇(个体经营)、劳务派遣、临时工等形式。
(2)以到达时间作为衰减函数时,实际上就包括了就业者的空间移动能力。
(3)参照黄宗智、胡鞍钢等人对2009年全国非正规就业人口的估计比例(60%)和刘开智对2006年广州市的估计比例(52.4%),2017年广州的非正规就业人口达到500万以上(总人口870万)。而以广州市估测的500万城中村人口,考虑到流动人口家庭化和城中村中正规就业者的存在,可能并不能替代500万以上非正规就业者。
(4)保障房的针对对象与城市的政策和发展水平有关,例如沿海发达地区的城市,农村移民很难入住保障房。而落户条件宽松的城市,其保障房政策限制也相对宽松。例如:重庆的保障房和公租房甚至作为推动城镇化发展的重要手段。
(1)南非索韦托的调研也显示,与诸如缝纫、陶瓷等零售相关的生产活动都是在家庭作坊中完成的[42]。
(2)例如:街景数据可以有效识别专门类的市场,POI数据可以识别某些特定部门的空间聚集,卫星影响可以对标非正规住区和工业区。
(3)根据黄宗智的表述,重庆市廉价公租房的建设预计可以解决200万~300万农民工的住房问题。笔者按照25 m2/人计算,重庆计划的4 922万m2的保障房社区中至少有250万居民。
(1)对于重庆市2013年以前的通勤时间缺少相应的全样本调查研究,但从近年交通报告看来,重庆人均通勤距离应当略低于北京和上海10%~15%,与西安等城市相当。因此,以文婧[54]针对北京10.6 km(折线距离)、朱菁[55]针对西安9.7 km(日常通勤线路长度,2013数据)来推测,两社区非正规就业群体的通勤时间是相对较低的。
基本信息:
中图分类号:TU984.113
引用信息:
[1]徐苗,陈瑞,杨碧波.中国大城市非正规就业职住空间失配及其规划问题初探[J].国际城市规划,2019,34(02):31-39.
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